“My intention is to ask the courts and people of Hong Kong to decide my fate.
I have been given no reason to doubt your system.”
– Edward Snowden
Meet 3pm, Chater Garden, Central Exit J2 | 本周六下午3點中環地鐵 J2出口
March to the US consulate, then HK SAR HQ in Tamar.
Speaking at Chater Garden: Albert Ho, Chairman of HK Alliance & ex-Democratic Party leader: “Why this case is important for HK’s future” Ip lam Chong, In-Media HK: “The implications of Edward Snowden coming to Hong Kong” Claudia Mo, LEGCO member, founding member of Civic Party: “Whistleblowers and free speech in HK”
Speaking at the US Consulate: Charles Mok, LEGCO member: “The right to communicate safely online and freedom of expression”
Speaking at HK Gov’t HQ: Law Yuk Kai, Director, HK Human Rights Monitor: “Hong Kong’s legal system & international legal system” Ronny Tong, Civic Party LEGCO member: ” “
Download press release / organiser contact info (Eng/Chi):
Edward Snowden, the whistleblower behind the NSA internet and phone surveillance program has come to Hong Kong because, he says, we “have a spirited commitment to free speech and the right of political dissent”. Snowden sacrificed his personal safety and freedom to defend our right to free speech and Internet freedom.
We call on Hong Kong to respect international legal standards and procedures relating to the protection of Snowden; we condemn the U.S. government for violating our rights and privacy; and we call on the U.S. not to prosecute Snowden.”
Do you want to stand for freedom and the rule of law? Or should we totally disregard Hong Kong’s legal system? This episode marks a crossroads in Hong Kong’s future. Stand up for the future of Hong Kong.
Time: 3-5:30pm, Saturday June 15, 2013. Please bring a whistle!
Rally route: Starting 3pm at Chater Garden, Central MTR exit J2. Rally to the U.S Consulate and then Tamar SAR government building.
Rally preparation: Please bring your friends, prepare for rain and try to bring water resistant posters. Slogan suggestions: “Defend Free Speech, Protect Snowden”, “No Extradition”, “Respect Hong Kong Law”, “Shame on NSA”, “Stop Internet Surveillance”, “Betray Snowden = Betray Freedom”.
Some of the Local Voluntary were present at the picnic at Hance Park. Without going into too much detail, it was a great night. We broke bread. We broke pizza. We shared, and we gained.
There is a catalyst that is at work right now in the awareness and activism circles. It’s hard to pin down, but a lot of the leaders are keen to it. There is something tremendous on the horizon coming.
But only if we make it. Only if we make friendships and look past our differences. We as a nation and as a people must no longer be fragmented through division, but united in the cause for human rights, basic freedoms, and freedom from oppression of all kinds. The oppressors want us to fight each other while they drop bombs from drones on whoever they feel like. But we are getting wise, and their days are numbered.
HOST: In presenting Murray to you, he’s a teacher, a scholar, a writer, a professor, editor of Libertarian Forum. About his many books, let me give one title, the latest, I believe, The Ethics of Liberty. I think that will do for this audience.
It’s a pleasure for me to call on Dr. Murray N. Rothbard to deliver the keynote address of the first World Libertarian Convention in Zurich, ’82.
ROTHBARD: See, one prophecy turned out to be incorrect. I’m here, not in my birthday suit, but everything was fixed up by the authorities, the hotel, whatever.
Well, it’s a great pleasure and privilege to be here. And it’s a really great honor to deliver the keynote address to the first World Libertarian International. In my own irreverent terms, I could call it the Libertern, but I think I won’t do that.
The first problem I was confronted with in giving a keynote to this group is, how can I speak trans-culturally. I don’t know how many nations are represented here, but quite a large number. And how can I speak to people, each one of whom has a different culture, a different national history, a different history of the movement? And how can I meaningfully talk to trans-national or trans-cultural Libertarians?
OK, the first answer to that was easy. The first answer is that Libertarian itself, of course, is international. It’s trans-national. It’s cosmopolite. The glorious idea of liberty, of a free market and a free society is universal and it’s not dependent on culture or time or place, for that ideal is based on the nature and on the rights of man, of human beings wherever they exist. So we have this, of course, one common language, so to speak, or common terminology, of common concepts, which is Libertarianism itself.
OK, then I thought I would try to work out for this gathering at least the beginning of a theory of stages of the Libertarian movement, a theory which we might be able to apply to every country regardless of how small or how advanced the movement might be in the particular country. I’m not saying, of course, that these stages are inevitable, that one must always go from one to the other, but I think every movement will pass through one stage, one, two, et cetera.
OK, the first stage in any given country or region or area or city, the first stage, the movement necessarily begins always with one person; one person has an idea. One isolated individual somehow discovers Libertarianism. How he or she does it, it can happen in many different ways, by reading, by listening to something, by thinking or whatever. So we have one solitary Libertarian living isolated in one particular country or region. In the United States, such a person is often called a lone nut.
So stage one is the lone-nut stage. I think it’s – a gray beard such as myself, of course, went through the lone-nut stage. And many people here probably have. I was a lone nut in the 1940s. That was my lone-nut period; probably earlier than that, too.
OK, so the lone nut continues on in the gadfly status, arguing with people, being a pest, whatever, learning more about Libertarianism. And finally, a great moment arrives in the lone nut’s development. He or she finds another lone nut. Now, this is a tremendous thing. This could be either sex. It could be the lone nut either finds or converts another Libertarian. It’s a great moment in each person’s development. And now we have two lone nuts. Of course, it’s much more effective and much happier than one lone nut. We have two friends, buddies, comrades who pal around together, who discuss these great ideas that they’ve just learned about, sit up all night discussing them and so forth and so on. So now, we have the stage two, the buddy stage of a pair, the two-lone-nuts-together stage.
At this point, I should say something about the conversion process, if indeed, the first lone nut converted the second lone nut. Because, of course, conversion is crucial in the growth of the Libertarian movement or of any movement. And I think that most conversions – there are many ways that conversions can take place and have taken place. But I think that most conversions occur not by verbal bludgeoning or by high-pressure tactics, but by the convert either hearing or reading or whatever, something which he feels, a statement or statements which he feels or she feels was a sort of a shock of recognition to be articulating something that he believed down deep for many years. “Gee, I always believed that. I just couldn’t put it into words.” I keep finding every Libertarian after Libertarian who says that. Especially in the early days of the movement, we find another Libertarian, we say, “Jesus, how did you become a Libertarian”? Like how did you become a deep-sea diver or whatever? And the person would say, “Well, I came across this or read this or heard this, and I said to myself, I believed this all my life and I never articulated it.” So I think this is crucial to the conversion process.
OK, so we have these two buddies. Either the first lone nut found or converted the second buddy. And the third buddy comes. A third convert appears. Now this growth from two to three, this is stage three in the development of the movement. The growth from two to three is not just a 50% increase – of course, it is a 50% increase quantitatively – but it’s much more than that. Because one person is a lone nut, two people are two lone nuts, three people, that’s already a school of thought.
It’s a much bigger impact – (laughing) – on life around them than two people. “Gee, three people believe this crazy thing; maybe there’s something to it.”
So now we have a school of thought. We have a little group. And it seems to me, at least my experience has been, my observation has been that once you have three people, it’s pretty much easier to get six or seven. And then we have six or seven, you’re now in stage four of the movement, the study group stage, or what the Marxists called the circle stage in movement development.
We have now a circle, a group of people, six, seven, eight, nine, whatever, who become Libertarians and, boy, this is fantastic. And also some ramifications to this. And they study and they meet on a regular basis as a study group. They read, they discuss long into the night, and so forth and so on. They get in touch. They read Libertarian classics. Maybe they put out a little newsletter. They get in touch with Libertarian groups in other countries or other regions, other cities. And so we have the circle stage.
I myself was in the circle stage around the 1950s in New York City. We had a little group of six or seven hard-core friends and colleagues and about three or four hangers-on, which we called the Circle Bastiat. So that was our circle. And I think, again, the circle stage, I think, happens in every movement, and Libertarianism.
In the circle stage, let’s say, you have regular meetings. You tend to meet once a week or whatever. And there are discussions and arguments and theoretical refinements and so forth. But one thing you must say – I mean, one thing that happens, of course, also disagreements will occur now. With six or seven people, you’re bound to have at least eight opinions – (laughing) – OK, if not more.
But one thing among the differences – first of all, all differences tend to be – how should we put it – I wouldn’t say unimportant, but lovable. In other words, somebody says, “I’m in favor of dolphin rights.” Well, OK, we have a nutty pal here who is in favor of dolphin rights. But it doesn’t really become of strategic significance one way or the other. As a matter of fact, strategy is one problem that never arises in the circle-stage of development. Nobody accuses anybody else of selling out. You have eight people in a movement – (laughing) – nobody worries about what strategic – what issues should these eight people talk about first. You know, nobody talks about leadership selling out. Nobody worries about betraying principle because when a movement – you have six or seven usually young and usually un-influential, unknown people, the problem of selling-out principle never arises, OK? In fact, it’s usually a non-problem. It’s a matter for a big joke, a big hilarity. Say, “Hey, we’re going to sell out tomorrow.” Yes, right, these six or seven people nobody has even heard of.
OK, so that’s the – by the way, this stage, this circle stage is also usually a friendship stage. I mean, it’s almost inevitable that circles of six or seven people are going to be very close friends. So you have a friendship situation along with what’s now called an affinity group situation, along with a Libertarian study group.
OK, now, I would also say this is also a very happy time for most people because they found – here they were the lone nuts and now they’ve found six or seven people. And, by god, this is fantastic.
There’s no problems of growth because if a growth occurs, it’s usually – in good years, it’s one a year. If they add one more person to the study group, they’re doing very well – (laughing) – OK? Net addition of one or at least somebody dropping out. So problems of growth, problems of strategy just simply do not arise in this situation.
OK, and we now have – and, of course, I’m speaking mostly from a United States experience. We have the largest and most-advanced movement. There comes a point – stage five, I guess it is, in this number game here – where something happens to the circle and the circle stage gets transcended into a movement stage or a movement-activist stage. The proper name for it – movement-activism is one name for it, a movement properly so-called, a mass movement in the sense of a nationwide movement.
By the way, one sign of whether you’re in this nationwide movement or not, whether you’re out of the circle stage, is very simple. I don’t remember the year this happened to me. The early stages of the movement, there are like six Libertarians in New York, six in California, or whatever. You know every Libertarian very well in the whole country. I mean, it’s no problem. So if any Libertarian article comes out, you know who wrote it. You probably saw the article before it came out and so forth and so on. One of the hallmarks of a leap into movement-activist, to the mass-movement stage is when you say, “Hey, this is a pretty good article. Who the hell is this? Who wrote it”? You don’t know who this Libertarian is who wrote it. This is a very key significant point. Something happened. A bell goes on in your head, so to speak, because this shows that the movement is what Rostow called the take-off stage of development, a movement begins to take off very rapidly.
OK, of course, many movements just stay at the circle stage forever, indefinitely. Others leap out of it, as the United States movement did. I would date the take-off stage of the American, United States movement, two famous dates, I think. One is the summer of 1969 when the conservative Young Americans for Freedom, the campus group, split into the Libertarian wing and the traditionalist wing over the draft question, as a matter of fact. And Libertarians were either all kicked out or left YAF and began to think of themselves for the first time as separate, self-conscious Libertarians rather than conservatives. It’s completely separate from conservatives. That was one big step.
And the next big step in the take-off stage was only in early 1971 when The New York Times highlighted this growing movement for the first time in a magazine, the Sunday magazine section on the front cover. And by doing that, of course, it tremendously accelerated the growth of the movement because the media interacts with the – especially The New York Times. If The New York Times says it, it must be important. That sort of thing. It sort of self-accelerated the growth of the movement.
OK, so this growth out of the circle stage, of course, is a magnificent thing. I mean, it’s a great, it’s a fantastic, unbelievable thing. It’s a wondrous shock, as a matter of fact. And it does, however, cause problems, OK? It causes psychological problems and organizational problems. The growth out of the circle stage might be called, in Kierkegaardian terms, a leap of will or a leap in being. It’s a tremendous qualitative as well as quantitative leap.
All right, so I want to talk about that for a bit. OK, if the movement is lucky, as I say, and has a take-off stage, which is highly exhilarating, of course, but can be troublesome. All right. Before this, as I said, in the circle stage, you made one convert a year. Now people suddenly come converting all the time. People pop up everywhere. “Who are these people who call themselves Libertarians”? And one of the problems, an immediate problem with that is, before this, all Libertarians were close friends, OK? It’s an affinity group or friendship-group situation. Now, all of a sudden, people are popping up who you don’t want to receive in your own home, right? This is a big psychological shock – (laughing). See, before this – (laughing) – boy, this person is a Libertarian, you take him into your home and you wine and dine him. This is fantastic. Every Libertarian is, ipso facto, a great person, a great lovable person. As more Libertarians flood in, you begin to find, with a tremendous – (laughing) – tremendous shock, unfortunate shock this time, recognition that there are a lot of Libertarians who are not great and lovable people. Because in the early days of the Libertarian, let’s say, because of the circle stage, I think, the early stages, one tends to think that all Libertarians are great, OK? Then, as I say, a shock occurs and you begin to realize that there are people – and there are a lot of jerks out there who are also Libertarians.
Now, I think there’s a point here – (laughing) – that there’s probably – I think I can safely say there is no higher proportion of great and lovable people in our movement than there are anywhere else. I know that’s a terrible thing to say, but I’m going to say it. I think being Libertarian makes us Libertarians, all right? But it confers no special grace in other areas of life, all right? Or to put it another way, the Libertarian movement doesn’t promise us a rose garden. It only promises us liberty but, by god, that’s enough, OK? So that is an adjustment shock.
I remember, in the first days, the early stages of the Libertarian movement in the United States, there was a theory you should always deal with Libertarians in the business world. You should always hire them. Hire Libertarians first; deal with them in business because, since they’re Libertarian, they must be rational, able, capable, and so forth and so on. And that theory was shot down very quickly – (laughing). So that’s simply a fact as a division of labor, all right? And Libertarianism, as I say, conferred no special grace for other aspects of life. We like to think it does, but it doesn’t.
OK, there are other inevitable problems in the leap into activism. Strategy, which was previously a matter for high jokes and hijinx and all that, suddenly becomes a real problem. OK now, most people in the circle stage, when you’re seven or eight people, you don’t think about strategy. You don’t think about, what should we do first, and how should we guard against selling our and so forth. The whole thing is ludicrous even to think about it in terms of the 1960s or the 1970s and in that period. But all of a sudden, you’re now a mass movement, it becomes an important problem and, further more, it’s a problem that nobody thought about until then. It’s a shock problem.
OK, and there are several aspects to this, which I’ll go into. One is, in the movement stage, theoretical differences become invested with importance that you didn’t have before. The lovable eccentric who is in favor of outlawing circumcision as child mutilation suddenly becomes a threat – (laughing) – right? You don’t want them. He wants an organized movement to call for the outlawing of circumcision, presumably. It becomes at least an embarrassment if not a threat to our organized movement. A person in favor of dolphin rights becomes something that has to be dealt with gingerly now – (laughing) – not with the same open lovability. OK, so the problem has become more serious when the movement stage is reached.
And then another problem that’s also inevitably involved in this, in the circle stage, people enter the movement – first of all, they get assimilated very quickly. There’s only one newcomer a year. It’s so easy to get socialized, so to speak, or assimilated into the group. And most of the newcomers in the circle stage are people who love to sit around talking about theory all night. I certainly did, and everybody I knew did, at least in that period. It’s the sort of thing where you say, it’s three in morning, if somebody – if X, owns a gorilla and the gorilla runs lose and throws stones at Y and Z’s plate glass window, who’s responsible for the window, for damage to the window? Is it X, is it Y, or is it the gorilla – (laughing) – OK? Now, these problems occupy a great deal of time during the circle period. But now, in the activism period, a new brand of people start coming into the movement, OK? You have mass activism. You have people not that interested in theory anymore. Nope, not interested in theoretical discussions. They want to concentrate their energies on stuffing envelopes or setting up booths at country fairs or whatever, all these other mundane activities that are involved in ideological or political activism. So this is great, except it then becomes important to redouble the internal education front. In other words, to make conscious efforts now to keep principles alive, to keep educational – internal education, reading, discussion, all that stuff alive in the movement, whereas, before you didn’t have to keep it alive. It was there. That was it. That was the movement. Now, you have a problem sort of artificially getting an agenda and making sure it happens, otherwise, the whole thing might die out. You might have people being active while the point of the activity gets lost somewhere in the cloud eight or ten years back. So in order to keep the movement Libertarian, it now becomes important to keep the theoretical vision held up and talked about and even pestered about from time to time.
In additional now, there’s a greater importance of theoretical differences and of internal education in the movement stage. New problems pop up. As I said, strategy becomes important now. Even if people A, B, and C, three people, all of whom agree perfectly on all principles, let’s say, all applications, they would probably have differences in strategy and tactics, which issue should be talked about first, which issue should be not talked about, so forth and so on. So these become – these important differences now crop up.
Plus, you do have a problem now of opportunists willing to sell out, willing to abandon principle, hide principle in order to get quick gains, whatever the quick gains may be. So all these problems now come pouring into a movement which is not prepared for it. In other words, a movement which is happily sitting around discussing who is responsible when a gorilla gets thrown – (laughing) – in a glass window, all of a sudden, they’re confronted with a whole bunch of these new and upsetting problems.
In additional to all that, the organization itself – what we’re really talking about here, of course, is problems involved in any organization, many sides, the organization’s self-involved problems. As I say, people have common goals but differ on which goals to stress first or which courses of action to stress first. These courses are limited. So you’re going to have situations where groups of people will differ on honestly different tactics and strategy, and they’re going to try to battle for their own position.
In addition to all that, since we’ve gone beyond the pure friendship stage where everybody loves everybody else, into a situation where it doesn’t happen, we’re inevitably going to have personality conflicts in any movement, in any large-scale movement. So that’s another thing which gets added into the strategy differences, the theoretical problems and so forth and so on. All these things now zero in and surge in about the same time.
In addition to that, if I haven’t stressed enough problems so far in the movement stage – I’m not trying to discourage people from getting into the movement stage, by the way, as I’ll point out in a minute. I just try to be realistic and prepare you for what happens as you get into this mass-movement area.
Another critical problem that occurs in a large-scale organized movement is the question of money. Of course, all organizations require money, right? Money is a fuel for any kind of activity. And money itself raises a host of problems per se. Many Libertarians, if not most Libertarians, dream, I think, about becoming full-time Libertarians. In other words, wouldn’t it be great if I could spend all of my energies 24 hours a day advancing the cause of liberty instead of only one weekend or whatever, a weekend a month, or only evenings? Wouldn’t it be great if my career were also Libertarian? In that case, of course, if this were true, we’d have a tremendous multiplication of leverage of people who are Libertarian benefiting the cause and expanding the development of liberty. So that’s, of course, a very fond hope. In the circle stage, this is totally unrealistic; sort of a dream thing. Boy, wouldn’t it be great if I could, you know, be a full-time Libertarian, when nobody can buy shoe laces.
But in the movement stage, when we have the movement-activist stage, or stage five that I’ve talked about, all of a sudden, this becomes a realistic possibility. There are full-time Libertarians now popping up. And this is important to pop up, because I submit that any cause, whatever the cause is, any kind of development of any sort, whether it’s the science of astronomy or the science of physics or manufacturing computers or playing chess, anything that involves any sort of organization involves some full-time professionals in there doing it all the time. In other words, no flourishing activity can subsist only on volunteer action. I shudder to think what the state of physics would be or astronomy, or whatever, if it only rested on the 18th century period, the 18th century, only volunteer efforts, amateur efforts. So we now have a situation where we have a cadre or a group of full-time professionals in Libertarianism, along with volunteers. This is bound to lead to clashes and problems.
In addition to that, one of the problems that it might lead to is often a great temptation for full-time professionals to lose sight of the common objective. In other words, lose sight of advancing the cause of the principles of liberty. You start off – let me put it this way. In the early stages of movement activity, movement activism, people found organizations of all sorts. There’s many organizations in the United States that are devoted to advancing liberty. You start off, “I want to set up such-a-such organization in order to advance liberty on a certain front.” In order to do that, in order to keep doing it as a full-timer, you have to raise money. So fundraising becomes a key means to this goal.
The problem is, in many organizations – I’ve see this for about 20 years now – what tends to happen is that the person doing it, the full-timer doing it begins to lose sight of the objective. In other words, the means and the ends begin to reverse themselves. So the end becomes fundraising – (laughter). So instead of fundraising being the means for advancing the cause, the end is fundraising or fundraising for his own income, and the goal, the means become tailoring the purpose of the organization in order to please the donor. In other words, if the donor likes tariffs, well, gee, maybe we should forget about free trade for 10 years. You know, that sort of thing. And so this is a very strong temptation, something that has to be obviously guarded against.
As one embittered member of such an organization told me about 20 years ago now, in the early days of the American movement, in that case, quote, “The organization begins to take on the dimensions of a racket. The goal becomes simply time serving or keeping the organization going for its own sake and for the sake of the job holders.” OK, so this is another pitfall that comes with the movement-activism stage.
All right, so far, I seem to be painting a pretty grim picture – (laughter) – of what’s involved in the leap from the circle stage to a large-scale movement. I’m sure many of you are saying, boy, I’m glad we’re small in our country – (laughter). But I’m not trying to discourage. As I said, I’m trying to prepare you, who are now in the circle stage, for the problems to come because you’ll be able to meet the problems a lot better than we did when we weren’t prepared for it. Because despite the headaches and the problems and all the grief that may be involved in it, this leap in being or this leap into a movement stage must be embraced and embraced with enthusiasm. Why should it be embraced with enthusiasm? It’s very simple. Because for us Libertarians, Libertarianism is not merely the intellectual contemplation of a wonderful, true and just political philosophy, it’s not just the esthetic contemplation of a beautiful ideal, the ideal of a world without organized aggression, a world of harmony, of freedom, of prosperity, of mutual cooperation through voluntary activities in free markets. It is, of course, all of that. Because we become Libertarians in the first place because we fall in love, so to speak, with the goodness, the truth and the beauty of Libertarianism. But we Libertarians, it seems to me, are not content with contemplating justice, with contemplating truth, goodness and beauty. We’re not playing intellectual games. We mean to change the world. We want to put this thing into reality.
In order to do that – because we’re setting out on the noblest task, I think, of all, to dismantle the leviathan state in each of our countries and ultimately throughout the world. And in order to do that, in order to put liberty into practice, in order to bring it out of the closet, so to speak, or out of the library, into the world, in order to usher in a world of freedom, a world free of the thugs and organized gangsters that are making so many lives a hell on earth, we have to organize. We have to become a mass movement despite whatever problems might be involved. Because to organize anything, whether it’s playing chess or producing automobiles or advancing the science of physics or whatever, it needs organization. And so organization is needed in the victory of liberty. And what I’ve really been talking about is the problem of all organization.
And also, I would add something else. Life itself brings problems, right? You know, let’s face it. So we can either meet them by trying to hide under the pillows or we can rush out to face these problems confidently and joyously. In our case, we are grappling with such problems on behalf of the greatest cause of all, the victory of liberty.
So when the time comes in each of our countries to advance into the movement stage, we should rush to embrace it with enthusiasm because it’s going to be a tremendous development to the eventual triumph of human freedom. We should simply be aware that in embracing this new higher stage of development means agreeing to its requirements. It means giving up the cozy era of the affinity group. It means being willing to have an organization act, even if a minority in the organization disagrees with the decision. Because in the infinity group, the tendency is to have unanimous consent to everything. It’s always great to have that. Everybody, all the eight people can agree on everything. It’s terrific. It’s better than having five people out-vote three, obviously. But if we’re going to have a movement of any size, you can’t have unanimous consent for every decision.
And one of the reasons for the deterioration of a famous New Left in the United States in the 1960s is they believed very strongly in what they called participatory democracy. And participatory democracy meant unanimous agreement on every decision; I mean, really, every decision that the organization is going to make. And as a result, life itself became one big committee meeting, one big continuous meeting, because you have to decide everything – what to paint the walls. One guy wanted to paint it brown, somebody else blue. You could argue 12 hours on that until every individual in the organization agree on the color. This is literally the true reality of what was involved. So life became one continuous meeting on the New Left. And members that went home to go to sleep at night were accused of betraying the organization, because they left the meeting – (laughter). We don’t want that to happen. Obviously, not only is it a pretty horrible way to live, but it also is counterproductive – (laughter) – to achieve the goals of the organization.
OK, there were also in the early days of the movement – I haven’t heard this in a long time, in the United States at least. In the early days, when we leaped into a mass movement in the early ’70s, there were some Libertarians who attacked the very concept of movement as being somehow collectivist and anti-Libertarian. It seems to me, however, there’s nothing un-Libertarian about individuals banding together to advance common goals, agreed-upon common goals. There’s nothing un-Libertarian about voluntary organizations to play chess or to manufacture automobiles or to advance the cause of liberty, just as there’s nothing un-Libertarian about voluntary organizations, leaders, committees, and all of the rest of the apparatus of organization. Although, they constantly pop up – Libertarians, who say, “This is un-Libertarian” – it may be unpleasant to somebody, but certainly not un-Libertarian.
Of course, there should be one caveat about the movement because, obviously, we want, in the Libertarian movement, individuals who are free men and women, who are not robots. And we don’t want people who will subordinate their individual lives or ideas or convictions of the truth to the, quote, “movement,” unquote, of a collective, even the Libertarian movement itself, because liberty, of course, is not oppression on individuals.
OK, I’m going to talk now a little bit about the – run through sort of very quickly the features of the organized movement in the United States, this activist stage. I don’t think I’m going to step on Fred Stitt’s territory because it’s going to be a very quick rundown. If I slight anybody, if I slight any groups or organizations, I apologize right now, because it’s gotten so big that even I can’t read all the stuff that’s coming out. It’s a great day when you can’t read all the material that’s coming out in your country on Libertarianism – (laughter). Can’t keep up. And there’s new groups being formed all the time and so forth and so on. This is a sort of run through of the United States movement at the present time.
OK, in the movement, there’s an abundant variety of organizations suiting varying tendencies, tastes, occupations, interests and so forth and so on. There are scholarly institutes, magazines, newsletters, campus student groups, educational clubs, organizations and scholarly disciplines, tax rebels, political lobby organizations and so forth. The lobbying or educational groups may be general or they may concentrate on one particular issue vital to Libertarians and building coalitions around that issue. Some organizations live a long time, others rise and fall after a few months, or after one issue of a mimeographed newsletter. So there’s all sorts of diversity. There’s really a rich variety and diversity of Libertarian groups and organizations in the United States. And this is, by the way, a variety and diversity to be cherished, not only for its own sake – and I think it is – but also because with such polycentrism – if we can use that famous Marxist term to our movement – with polycentrism, any grievous mistake or principle or strategy or organization by any one group will not prove fatal to the movement as a whole or to the cause of liberty. So one group goofs, makes a big mistake, they might go down the tubes or retrench or something, but the other groups will still continue to flourish. So we have sort of a free competition, if you want to put it that way, of Libertarian groups.
OK, in the scholarly world, which is my own major interest – I’ll start with that. For overall Libertarian scholarship, there’s the Center for Libertarian Studies in New York, with which I’m associated, and a quarterly journal, Journal of Libertarian Studies, for which I’m the editor. OK, I’ll start with my own shtick first. On the west coast, there’s the Reason Foundation and its journal, Reason Papers, a philosophically oriented periodical edited by Tibor Machan. A venerable and low-key organization implicitly interested in Libertarian scholarship is the Institute for Humane Studies, which publishes the bibliographical Literature of Liberty. It comes out about twice a year. I think there’s a group that’s called the Association for Philosophy in Society. I think they changed their name. At any rate, this organization is a group of neo-Randian philosophers centered in the Midwest and they meet usually once a year or twice a year. There’s an Austrian Economics Newsletter published for the Center of Libertarian Studies, advancing the principles of Misesian or Austrian economics. And the center also grants annual Ludwig von Mises fellowships for pre- and post-doctoral study in all the disciplines of human action. The Cato Institute, now located in Washington, publishes a semi-annual scholarly Cato Journal devoted to applied economic and legal problems. And both Cato and the Institute for Humane Studies hold week-long seminars during the summer for a quick course in the overall principles and features of Libertarianism. These seminars perform two functions really, an educational function, and also gathering new recruits into the movement, finding new people.
Magazines and periodicals are everywhere in the United States; a whole bunch of them. I don’t even know all of them myself. They range from the relatively large circulations, soft-core and slick and out-reachy, as we call it – soft-core outreach publications, like the monthly Reason and Inquiry; the smaller circulation newsletters, like Frontline and my own feisty and aggressively hard-core monthly, Libertarian Forum.
There are political lobbying organizations, such as the hard-core Council for a Competitive Economy in Washington, with its magazine, Competition; a soft-core National Taxpayers Union and various gold-bug groups and periodicals devoted to returning to the gold standard, many of which are free-market and even Libertarian. There are anti-political groups, such as Sam Konkin’s New Libertarians, who put out several periodicals, none of which names I can keep straight; and a new scholarly Voluntaryist. There was a bizarre publication called the Libertarian Connection, which I haven’t seen in about 10 years, but I understand it still comes out. The reason I stopped subscribing to it was because they come out on purple paper with purple typewriter ribbon. So those are the semi-blind high gloss on that one. I understand, as I say, they’re still coming out.
On the campus, there are two student libertarian organizations, the Students for Libertarian Society, which publishes Liberty, probably the larger group, and the older Society for Individual Liberty, which puts out Individual Liberty, another publication, and which emerged in 1969 out of the draft split that I mentioned a little while back.
OK, there’s, of course, one organization I have left out, and deliberately so, because it deserves special treatment. That is the biggest Libertarian organization in the United States, the Libertarian Party, the political organization. This is the political party stage, stage six, I guess, it is, if my numbers are straight. I’m not a quantitativist – (laughter) – OK?
How many members does the L.P. have? We don’t know. It’s very confusing. First of all, there’s a decentralized structure in the United States. There’s state parties and then there’s a national party. And you have the option of being a member either of the state party that you’re in or the national party or both. So the whole thing is very confused. Let’s venture a guess of about 12,000 now for members. This is very hunchy, so to speak.
The largest, proportional to the population, and the best-organized parties are in the Western states, states like Alaska and California and Hawaii, Arizona, Colorado and Texas. Now, our westerners like to think that this is true because of the individuals and entrepreneurship on the frontier, the Wild West frontier, and maybe they’re right. Who knows? It could be possibly true.
The national party publishes a bimonthly periodical, the L.P. News, and each state party puts out its own newsletter; the most prominent and widest read being those in California, Texas and Colorado. The total votes in the party, of course, enormously greater than the actual membership. In other words, the votes are, of course, coming in by people who like whatever, and they’re not necessarily party members. So our last presidential candidate in 1980 acquired over 900,000 votes. That’s Ed Clark, who is here this week. The nominal party membership of 12,000, of course, a lot bigger than the actual number of dedicated activists who show up all the time. So there’s a whole structure here.
The Libertarian Party contains within itself caucuses that are dedicated to particular points of view to which each caucus tries to convert other party members. There are the Libertarians for Life, an anti-abortion group trying to change the party’s pro-free choice and abortion platform. There’s the Defense Caucus and the Radical Caucus and hard-core militants that publish the bi-monthly periodical, Libertarian Vanguard.
Now, it should not be surprising – after all, I’ve talked about the pitfalls of organizations in stage five, and in stage six, which is the political-party stage – that the Libertarian Party has experienced all the joys and heartaches and much more, as we say in the United States, in spades, that we’ve said was the lot of all organizations. In other words, the Libertarian Party has had more, of course, of these problems than any individual group.
In the first place, the L.P. is the biggest Libertarian organization by far. Secondly, it’s by nature an umbrella group that has to take stands on a whole bunch of issues. It can’t confine itself to the gold standard or whatever. And it also has to unite, has to focus on single – on particular issues in the platform, state and national platform. It has to focus on single candidates. It has to have only one candidate for president and so forth. So therefore, as a necessity for unitary action, umbrella unitary action, which makes life quite difficult because there are lots, of course, of enormous amounts of disagreements and factions popping up. OK, and each candidate, of course, must then select the most important issues which he or she will focus on. So the result of this large size and a necessity for speaking out on all the issues, the selection of single slates and all of that is to maximize the arena of conflict, differences of opinion, strategy differences, tactics, personality struggles, power struggles and all that.
And yet, again – I’ll say the same thing as I said about stage five – it’s all worth it. The political party is really the sixth stage. The political party doesn’t replace the other organizations. Many Americans, for some obscure reason, think that ideology means political party and that’s it. If you’re a Socialist, you must join the Socialist Party. If you don’t, they’re confused. This, of course, is not true at all. The political party is the electoral arm, the electoral activist arm of the Libertarian movement. There are many Libertarians who don’t join it, who are not interested, all those who are opposed to political action. So there’s a huge range of differences. And the Libertarian Party, as I say, is a political arm, political electoral arm of the movement, electoral politics arm of the movement. It’s the movement embodied in party politics; put it that way.
OK, I would say then, just as there cannot be massive growth of the Libertarian movement without organization in the previous stage five, so there can be no successful movement without a political-party arm. Well, why is this? What are the great benefits of a political party which, I think, outweigh the problems? Well, there are many reasons, many benefits that a political party confers on a movement. In the first place, it performs a mass educational function. Most people, at least in the United States – I don’t know how it is in Europe or in Asia – but at least in the United States, most people only think about political issues in the context of electoral campaigning. They’ll think about – if somebody is running for governor, they’ll think about the issues, which they won’t think about for the rest of the two years. The greater interest and attention of that will bring the message of Libertarian principles and programs to broad masses of people who have never heard of it before. It will help change their minds in the direction of liberty. It will help recruit them in the sense that – somebody listens to something or watches on television or something, “Gee, I’ve believed that for all of my life.” So now he’s hearing it on television instead of meeting the person face to face. So it expands the area of possible conversion. And as I said, the political party then recruits new people into the movement. It educates, it brings the ideas forth, and it draws new people in. And some people, when they draw in, won’t join the party because they’re not interested in party politics, but they’ll become Libertarians anyway. And that’s a good thing. That’s a good step. In other words, just increasing the pro-Libertarian climate in the country is worth it, so to speak.
All right, thirdly, the Libertarian Party, as it grows strong enough – and in several states, we have gotten to this point – it functions as a pressure group that can be far more effective on politicians than any single lobbying organization. A party has more members, in the first place, than any usual lobbying group, and so it presents a larger threat at the polls. “My god, they’ve 12,000 members; they might kill me in my district,” something like that. So a political party, even with only, say, 5% of the vote, can exert a balance-of-power sort of thing on the major parties, scare them and push them, even against their will, into a more Libertarian direction. And since, for Libertarians, the goal of a political party is not getting patronage but rolling back the state, any Libertarian Party should be delighted to find themselves begin co-opted, so to speak, their program stolen by the major party. That’s great. Then you advance, up the ante, as we say in poker, and start making greater demands and let them steal that until finally the state is wiped away – (laughter).
Finally, as the political party grows even more than this, beyond the balance-of-power stage, it will be more in the position of actually winning office, which we’ve done in a few cases. And by winning office, by actually entering office, we can then cast votes and push through programs which will roll back the leviathan state directly.
There are many anti-politics or anti-party Libertarians who claim that it’s possible to dismantle statism without actually getting into office. Mass civil disobedience, for example, is one thing. Everybody refuses to pay taxes next year or something like that. I’d love to see that happen but I don’t see any realistic possibility of that. I haven’t seen it happen yet, let’s put it that way, even though there are a lot of rebels. There’s no mass – it’s not a situation where all 200-odd million people say, we won’t pay taxes next April 15th, or anything close to that.
It’s true that mass civil disobedience can be very effective. For example, when alcohol was prohibited in the United States in the 1920s, it essentially broke down because it wasn’t enforceable. In other words, people just drank anyway and the whole system, the whole apparatus of law began to break down, and so repeal of Prohibition really was a result of that.
Still, despite the fact there’s heroic tax rebels and draft resisters, and drinkers during Prohibition are heroes, it’s still not enough. In other words, there’s still a vital need for somebody to get in there and actually repeal the laws, to actually get in there, enter state office and dismantle it. Legislators who will repeal despotic laws, executives who will heroically refuse to enforce them, judges who will rule for the common and natural law of liberty against state power, these people are needed. And I don’t see the state being dismantled and being rolled back without it in any significant sense.
So the Libertarian movement, it seems to me, is and should be multifaceted. It should have educational institutions, periodicals, campus groups, lobbying outfits, et cetera. But we also, however, need a mass political party, a Libertarian Party, which will pledge itself to the victory of liberty by rolling back and dismantling the state by the electoral process.
I think, by the way, even though the Libertarian Party is important, the growth into the sixth stage, so to speak, it’s important not to launch such a party without adequate preparation. It’s possible to start a party too quickly before there’s enough people, before there’s any common agreement and so forth and so on. The Marxists never launch a party without what they call pre-party formation to kind of prepare the way and get coalitions and get groups together to agree on something before they actually say we are the radical, Communist Liberation Party or whatever it is. I think it’s a good lesson to heed.
OK, now, on the final section here is to talk about what theoretical issues need to be decided when you get into the movement stage and especially the Libertarian Party stage. It doesn’t have to be agreement on everything, every jot and tittle of everything. You don’t have to agree on – well, for example, in the early stages of the Libertarian Party in New York, I remember, there was a group of people that believed that we couldn’t start a political party without a whole philosophical schmear from the very beginning. We had to start with A is A and you work – those who have read Ayn Rand – you work through the whole thing, concept formation. If anybody disagrees on free will or concept formation or A is A even, they’re kicked out. Now, I would think that would be – you know, you’d never get to the political-party stage if you insist on total correct philosophic agreement on everything. So I think that’s on a par with dolphin’s rights, for that matter. So I think there comes a point when you have to say, OK, we agree on the basics, let’s now start organizing, because if you wait until you agree on every conceivable dilemma and syllogism, you’ll never do anything at all.
But I think you have to get certain broad agreement on key issues fairly early in the game, not necessarily before a party is launched, but pretty early in the stages. And I’ll just finish my running through some of which I think is some of the key questions which should be decided.
One of them, of course, is the morality of political action. There are a lot of Libertarians in the United States who think that any political action is immoral, it’s un-Libertarian – voting, running for office or holding office. Obviously, you have to agree that political action is moral in order to become a political-party member. So I think this has to be decided by political-party people; hopefully, by Libertarians, too. I frankly don’t see why it’s immoral. I’ve been engaging these arguments for years. If the state leaves us this area – in not all countries are we allowed to vote but, in many countries, the state leaves us this particular area of choice and vote for the party of your choice every two years or whatever. I see no reason why we cannot morally use this choice to help scuttle statism. If the state is stupid enough to leave us this choice, let’s use it.
Now, this action was taken by our classical liberal forebears. We have classical liberal forebears. First, the liberals and radicals of the 18th and 19th century, and by the American revolutionaries and quasi-Libertarians of those centuries, and they did pretty well, and they accomplished an enormous amount in rolling back the state largely through the electoral process and also mass civil disobedience and other stuff, and certainly using that, too.
We also have to remember, however, as we engage in political action and then join political parties to remember the wise maxim of Lord Acton that power corrupts, as well as Jefferson’s adage that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, or as the Catholics might say, running for or holding office is not itself a sin but, boy, does it offer occasions for sin. So this has to be guarded against.
OK, secondly, the key question I think, at least in my point of view, into the internal argument which is always taking place between rights-based versus utility based Libertarians, do you ground your belief in liberty and utility and efficiency on the one hand or on moral principles and human rights on the other. It seems to me extremely important without the moral, morality and rights-based position. We are for liberty not only, or mainly even, because freedom will bring us more soap and more bathtubs as much as we like soap and bathtubs. We are for liberty and against oppression because we believe strongly and passionately in the morality and justice of liberty and the immorality and criminality of statism. I think very few people will struggle for liberty as a lifelong commitment, which we all do, often against great odds merely for 20% or more bathtubs, or for a bit more efficiency. So I think Libertarians must be the kind of people who want – above all, demand justice. And fortunately, of course, this usually goes along with utilitarian economics, but not always.
Fortunately, I think, in the United States, aside from a few benighted Friedmanite economists, there are very few Libertarians who take the efficiency route here. Most Libertarians are rights-based and justice-based Libertarians. For one thing, utilitarian economists are always making exceptions to Libertarian principles. They’re always saying, well, of course, you can have neighborhood parks or something like that. A morality based Libertarian makes no exceptions, is uncompromising and consistent.
OK, as I say, I think the battle has been won, in the Libertarian Party at least, on that question in the United States.
Now, many of you might be wondering why I didn’t put first on this list – I have about, I think, five things here – why didn’t I put first the famous problem Anarchism versus Minarchism, or Anarchism versus limited government or government strictly limited to defense, police and courts. The reason I don’t talk about it much is because, even though the problem is highly important in theory and should continue to be debated forever as far as I’m concerned, for purposes for practical organization – and within the Libertarian Party, it’s caused very little difficulty. In other words, Anarchists and Minarchists have been working together very closely and without much friction. That’s just the famous Dallas Accord of 1974 when they hammered out word-by-word agreement where the Anarchists don’t call for smashing the state and the party platform or whatever, and the Minarchists don’t say the proper function of government is to do such and such. You just leave that alone.
I think the reason why both groups can work together on this is because, after all, we agree on 99% of stuff. In other words, both the Minarchists and the Anarchists agree in rolling back about 99% of the state. So why not do that and then worry about the other 1% after we get it? It seems a little premature to start bellyaching about the 1% when we have the 99% that we agree on. So that has really not posed a problem in the United States, a political problem.
OK, and this is point four of the basic issues. But while Anarchism versus Minarchism has caused very few practical difficulties, there is, I think, a big problem, which has still not been resolved, on where one stands on what I call abolitionism versus mandatory gradualism. In other words, aside from the Anarchist/Minarchist question, do you favor abolishing the state or 99% of the state or whatever as fast as you could possibly do it? You know, if you find a button on this podium, a magic button, by pushing this button I could eliminate the state, would I do it? My answer, of course, is I would blister my thumb pushing that button, OK? So I’m an abolitionist. Now, other people are what I call mandatory gradualists. In other words, they believe, no, no, we shouldn’t do it. Even if we have the magic button, we shouldn’t push it because there are all sorts of other problems that are superseding that. It could cause social dislocation, it could cause unemployment, and temporarily it could cause disappointment of expectations or whatever. In my view, it’s very important to take the abolitionist position because it means you’re holding nothing else higher than liberty. To be a Libertarian, it seems to me you should hold liberty as your highest political objective. So this, as I say, is a continuing dispute. Of course, there is no magic button, obviously, where we could just abolish the state. But this attitude toward the magic button affects, I think, attitudes towards political action by all Libertarians. It affects your whole attitude towards the state and to political problems and so forth.
My hero on the slavery front, William Lloyd Garrison, who was an abolitionist and also a Libertarian, by the way, in general, said he was in favor of immediate abolition. He didn’t think it would come immediately. He didn’t think there would be an immediate abolition of slavery, although, it turned out to be pretty much a one-step thing. But he believed it was important to say that, morally, we are in favor of immediate abolition even though, in practice, we’re going to get gradual abolition even though we don’t like it. So this is a continuing fight.
The Radical Caucus, of which I’m a member, has a – I’m going to quote its plank on this. It’s called the No-Compromise Plank, which I think is a great, really sweet plank. “The Radical Caucus insists that all reforms advocated by the Libertarian Party must diminish governmental power” – I wouldn’t add that slowly diminish it, OK? – “and no such reform that ought to contradict the goal of a totally free society. Holding high our principles means avoiding completely the quagmire of self-imposed obligatory gradualism. We must avoid the view that, in the name of fairness, abating suffering or fulfilling expectations, temporize and stall on the road to liberty.” That sets forth, I think, the issue.
OK, finally, I think, in a practical sense – this is – the abolitionist thing is more of a sort of a mood or a general thing, a spirit that permeates Libertarians. By the way, there are Anarchists – in the Anarchist/Minarchist dispute, there are many Anarchists who are gradualists. There may even be one or two Minarchists who are abolitionists. Although, if you’re an Anarchist, it helps to be an abolitionist obviously, so there’s a certain tendency there, but it’s not necessarily a one-to-one correlation.
OK, I come now to the key practical political issue, the only real practical political dispute in the Libertarian Party, which I think has been successfully overcome or successfully settled. I think it’s one on which every Libertarian Party must take a stand. I think it’s a key question. And this is the question of foreign policy. Everybody, I mean, every Libertarian believes in the free market. There’s no real dispute among that. Every Libertarian favors civil liberties. There’s no real dispute on that. The real basic vital gut question is the question of war and peace. In the early days of the Libertarian Party in the United States, the Libertarian Party took a non-Libertarian foreign-policy position in my view. In other words, it took essentially the same position of the Democrats or Republicans. It took a pro-interventionist, quasi-pro-war position. In my view, it’s central and critical to take a foreign-policy stance which is totally opposed to war, especially modern war, which necessarily murders masses of innocent civilians. There’s a big difference between modern war and jousting. You know, Medieval jousting, there’s nothing wrong with that. It’s sort of like voluntary dueling. Sir Gawain and Sir Lancelot, it’s great, and the rest of the people watch on the battlements and cheer their own favorites, sort of like a Super Bowl in football. But modern war is not the Super Bowl – (laughter). It’s a situation where masses of innocent people get killed.
Libertarianism, it seems to me – it’s always been a source of wonder why many Libertarians have resisted this. Libertarianism takes a stand on absolute human rights and a sacred right of every individual to his or her self ownership or his or her life, liberty and property, unmolested by coercion, whichever way you want to formulate it. It’s always been a puzzle to me how such a movement can fail to take an all-out opposition stance, all-out, opposed to war, which is a mass murder of innocents. I can’t understand how Libertarians can come out four-square against price controls and wage controls – yes, that’s great – even against taxation as theft – great – and yet, somehow fail to speak out forcefully on the question of mass murder.
So also, of course, foreign policy, at least in the United States, is a big means by which big government exerts itself. There’s a corollary between government intervention at home and government intervention in foreign affairs. It’s the same group doing the same sort of thing.
Now, fortunately, the Libertarian Party, in its national convention in New York in 1975, changed its position and took a very distinctive Libertarian foreign-policy stand, an anti-war, anti-interventionist stand, which was strengthened and solidified in 1977. So as far as I’m concerned, we’ve overcome that. I don’t know how other Libertarian Parties are doing on this, but I’m happy to say that I made a contribution to this shift.
Arizona Freedom Fest –Major Freedom Activists Highlighted as Speakers
Show Low Arizona – May 24, 2013 Arizona Freedom Fest is an independent, non-partisan festival where Freedom and Liberty loving people meet to celebrate great entertainment, great speakers, great ideas, great music, and great thinkers in a fun and inspiring environment. It is being held on June 14, 15 and 16 in the scenic White Mountains of Arizona at the 30+ acre Owens Creekside Ranch (Deuce of Clubs and 9th Place) located in the resort Town of Show Low, Arizona.
You will be able to enjoy a PRIVATE GUN SHOW, Camping and Fishing in the cool pines. The music will be provided by Captain Squeegee, Holly Ann Hancock, Ryan David Orr and others. The Speakers is an all star cast of Activists, a former presidential candidate, a former Arizona State Senator who exposed the 911 conspiracy, business leaders, researchers and talk show hosts.
Stewart Rhodes is the founder and Director of Oath Keepers. Stewart graduated from Yale Law School in 2004, where his paper “Solving the Puzzle of Enemy Combatant Status” won Yale’s Miller prize for best paper on the Bill of Rights. He assisted teaching U.S. military history at Yale, was a Yale Research Scholar, and is writing a book on the dangers of applying the laws of war to the American people.
Senator (retired) Karen S. Johnson – Legislative District 18 Chairman: Education K-12, Member: Appropriations Committee, Judiciary Committee, Natural Resources and Rural Affairs, Co-Chairman: Joint Legislative Committee on Children and Family Services, Chairman: Appropriations Subcommittee on Health and Welfare.
Ernest Hancock is the publisher of FreedomsPhoenix.com, and a co-founder of The Freedom Summit Ernest is also the founder of Second Amendment for Everyone, Ernest hosts the radio show Declare Your Independence, which strives to create an understanding of the philosophy of liberty by working closely with Freedoms Phoenix to ‘Uncover the Secrets & Expose the. Ernest lives in Phoenix, Arizona, where he is well known as a liberty activist in the promotion of a voluntary society.
Matt Papke is a mid-level executive for Blinkx PLC (BLNX) and has spent the last 7 years working in Online Media. Matthew’s personal pursuits include studying traditional medicines as well as martial arts, working to improve our understanding and relationship with our environment and offering opportunities for community involvement. His goal is to find the balance and underlying harmony at all levels. He offers a unique brand of fiscal conservatism coupled with a goal for fairness and a balance of power in favor of the people.
Sailboat designer Vlad Murnikov has spent his life using radical and innovative ideas to challenge the sailing status quo, changing the way we see boats and their relation to speed. Vlad was the creative force behind the first ever Russian entry into the world’s top ocean competition, the Whitbread Round the World Race. He went on to design both luxury yachts and powerboats for Ted Hood and high-performance sport boats, including the MX-Ray, the first single-handed skiff with an asymmetric spinnaker. Vlad’s current project, SpeedDream, is a quest to build the world’s fastest oceangoing boat.
SpeedDream challenges this perception. We are confident that our innovative design concept will result in a super-fast monohull capable of beating catamarans and trimarans in their own game and establish a string of speed records, from sailing faster than 50 knots in the open ocean to circling the globe in less time than any yacht ever.
We believe that the true impact of this daring project will extend far beyond setting new sailing records, no matter how lofty they are. Through the SpeedDream innovative media communication devices, we will take sailors and non-sailors alike on a thrilling ride that reaches beyond the limits of our current knowledge. We will inspire imagination and challenge established perceptions.
SpeedDream is a quest of turning something that seems impossible today into reality.
Bastiat asserted that the sole purpose of government is to protect the right of an individual to life, liberty, and property, and why it is dangerous and morally wrong for government to interfere with an individual’s other personal matters. From this, Bastiat concluded that the law cannot defend life, liberty, and property if it promotes “legal [or legalized] plunder,” which he defined as using government force and laws to take something from one individual and give it to others (as opposed to a transfer of property via mutually-agreed contracts, without using fraud nor violent threats against the other party, which Bastiat considered a legitimate transfer of property
Frederic Bastiat Quotes
“It is impossible to introduce into society a greater change and a greater evil than this: the conversion of the law into an instrument of plunder.”
“Thus, if there exists a law which sanctions slavery or monopoly, oppression or robbery, in any form whatever, it must not even be mentioned. For how can it be mentioned without damaging the respect which it inspires? Still further, morality and political economy must be taught from the point of view of this law; from the supposition that it must be a just law merely because it is a law. Another effect of this tragic perversion of the law is that it gives an exaggerated importance to political passions and conflicts, and to politics in general.”
“Legal plunder can be committed in an infinite number of ways; hence, there are an infinite number of plans for organizing it: tariffs, protection, bonuses, subsidies, incentives, the progressive income tax, free education, the right to employment, the right to profit, the right to wages, the right to relief, the right to the tools of production, interest free credit, etc., etc. And it the aggregate of all these plans, in respect to what they have in common, legal plunder, that goes under the name of socialism.”
“Society is composed of men, and every man is a FREE agent. Since man is free, he can choose; since he can choose, he can err; since he can err, he can suffer. I go further: He must err and he must suffer; for his starting point is ignorance, and in his ignorance he sees before him an infinite number of unknown roads, all of which save one lead to error.”
“They would be the shepherds over us, their sheep. Certainly such an arrangement presupposes that they are naturally superior to the rest of us. And certainly we are fully justified in demanding from the legislators and organizers proof of this natural superiority.”
“All you have to do, is to see whether the law takes from some what belongs to them in order to give it to others to whom it does not belong. We must see whether the law performs, for the profit of one citizen and to the detriment of others, an act which that citizen could not perform himself without being guilty of a crime. Repeal such a law without delay. … [I]f you don’t take care, what begins by being an exception tends to become general, to multiply itself, and to develop into a veritable system.”
“The mission of the law is not to oppress persons and plunder them of their property, even though the law may be acting in a philanthropic spirit. Its purpose is to protect persons and property…. If you exceed this proper limit — if you attempt to make the law religious, fraternal, equalizing, philanthropic, industrial, or artistic — you will then be lost in uncharted territory, in vagueness and uncertainty, in a forced utopia or, even worse, in a multitude of utopias, each striving to seize the law and impose it on you.”
“As long as the law may be diverted from its true purpose — that it may violate property instead of protecting it — then everyone will want to participate in making the law, either to protect himself against plunder or to use it for plunder. Political questions will always be prejudicial, dominant, and all-absorbing. There will be fighting to gain access to the legislature as well as fighting within it.”
“Sometimes the law defends plunder and participates in it. Sometimes the law places the whole apparatus of judges, police, prisons and gendarmes at the service of the plunderers, and treats the victim — when he defends himself — as a criminal.”
“Socialism, like the ancient ideas from which it springs, confuses the distinction between government and society. As a result of this, every time we object to a thing being done by government, the socialists conclude that we object to its being done at all.”
“The worst thing that can happen to a good cause is not to be skillfully attacked, but to be ineptly defended.”
“Sometimes the law defends plunder and participates in it. Thus the beneficiaries are spared the shame and danger that their acts would otherwise involve… But how is this legal plunder to be identified? Quite simply. See if the law takes from some persons what belongs to them and gives it to the other persons to whom it doesn’t belong. See if the law benefits one citizen at the expense of another by doing what the citizen himself cannot do without committing a crime. Then abolish that law without delay … No legal plunder; this is the principle of justice, peace, order, stability, harmony and logic.”
“When plunder becomes a way of life for a group of men living together in society, they create for themselves in the course of time a legal system that authorizes it and a moral code that glorifies it.”
“The state tends to expand in proportion to its means of existence and to live beyond its means, and these are, in the last analysis, nothing but the substance of the people. Woe to the people that cannot limit the sphere of action of the state! Freedom, private enterprise, wealth, happiness, independence, personal dignity, all vanish.”
“Men naturally rebel against the injustice of which they are victims. Thus, when plunder is organized by law for the profit of those who make the law, all the plundered classes try somehow to enter — by peaceful or revolutionary means — into the making of laws. According to their degree of enlightenment, these plundered classes may propose one of two entirely different purposes when they attempt to attain political power: Either they may wish to stop lawful plunder, or they may wish to share in it.”
“The state is the great fiction by which everybody seeks to live at the expense of everybody else.”
“When law and morality contradict each other, the citizen has the cruel alternative of either losing his moral sense or losing his respect for the law.”
“Life, liberty, and property do not exist because men have made laws. On the contrary, it was the fact that life, liberty, and property existed beforehand that caused men to make laws in the first place.”
“No legal plunder: This is the principle of justice, peace, order, stability, harmony, and logic. Until the day of my death, I shall proclaim this principle with all the force of my lungs (which alas! is all too inadequate).”
“By virtue of exchange, one man’s prosperity is beneficial to all others.”
Poor old Johnny Ray
Sounded sad upon the radio, he moved a million hearts in mono.
Our mothers cried and sang along and who’d blame them.
Now you’re grown, so grown, now I must say more than ever.
Go Toora Loora Toora Loo-Rye-Aye
and we can sing just like our fathers.
Come on Eileen,
I swear (well he means) At this moment you mean everything,
With you in that dress my thoughts I confess verge on dirty
Ah come on Eileen.
These people round here wear beaten down eyes
Sunk in smoke dried faces they’re so resigned to what their fate is,
But not us, no not us we are far too young and clever.
Remember Toora Loora Toora Loo-Rye-Aye
Eileen I’ll hum this tune forever.
Come on Eileen, I swear, well he means
Ah come on let’s take off everything,
That pretty red dress Eileen (Tell him yes)
Ah come on let’s, ah come on Eileen, please.
During the last week of March, more than 30,000 people signed a petition urging the Norwegian Nobel Committee to award the Nobel Peace Prize to Bradley Manning. While the numbers continue to mount on the petition website, so do the comments from individual signers.
Thousands have already written personal notes to explain their support for the petition. I hope the Nobel committee reads the comments carefully when the petition arrives in Oslo later this spring.
As a U.S. Army private — seeing massive evidence of official deception, human rights abuses and flagrant killing of civilians — Bradley Manning did not just follow orders. Instead, he became a whistleblower, supplying vast troves of documents to WikiLeaks, exposing duplicity that had enormous impacts from Iraq and Afghanistan to Egypt and Tunisia.
Manning, now 25 years old, could be in prison for the rest of his life. But while the U.S. government tries to crush him, it’s clear that many Americans love him — and would be thrilled to see him win the Nobel Peace Prize. The following samples of comments from petition signers begin to explain why:
“Bradley Manning knowingly risked his freedom in order to bring the true facts of war to the public. The courage and insight of such a young person is worthy of the highest recognition.”
Sheila C., Kings Park, NY
“Manning is a U.S. political prisoner being persecuted for blowing the whistle on war crimes by the powerful, including his own corrupt government. He should be given the Nobel Peace Prize.”
Ruth K., Greenbelt, MD
“If you are looking to regain your reputation after giving the award to a warmongering president, I can think of no more important or honorable figure than this political prisoner.”
Catherine C., Santa Monica, CA
“This poor, incredibly brave person has been scapegoated nearly to death for his extraordinary heroism in revealing just a bit of the truth behind the ideological gloss of war and politics. Please give him the support and recognition he deserves — you may save his life and you will certainly support a higher consciousness in many if you do so.”
Cathy C., Boulder, CO
“Wall Street bankers who looted our nations go scot free. Petro chemical companies who poison millions go free. A young man who releases truth in a democracy is terrorized endlessly by his government. We must stand up for truth tellers.”
W.D., Overland Park, KS
“Manning has done more for peace in our time than any other individual. He risked his freedom to inform the world of war crimes and other wrongdoing by his country.”
William P., Prescott Valley, AZ
“He has done more than anyone to challenge the hubris of a government’s foreign policy that is based on belligerence and aggression.”
Myles H., Baltimore, MD
“Please give the peace prize to those who truly merit it, like Manning, not to politicians who further militarism and war.”
Albert R., Naperville, IL
“The Norwegian Nobel Committee will need courage even to consider awarding Bradley Manning the Peace Prize.”
Robert B., Honolulu, HI
“It’s about TRUTH!”
Mary P., Center Moriches, NY
“Bradley Manning is a hero in the deepest and truest meaning of that word.”
Jennifer A., Dickson, TN
“This young man risked everything to reveal war crimes being committed by his government.”
Joanne H., Columbia, MD
“I feel Manning was acting in the spirit of the Nuremberg trials in taking individual responsibility for illegal activities that he was witnessing.”
Nick W., Point Reyes, CA
“I’ve personally been inspired by Bradley Manning’s courage and moral dignity. His actions and character give me hope that the world can be a safer and more just place for everyone.”
Brock D., Pittsburgh, PA
“The modern version of Daniel Ellsberg deserves the honor his efforts warrant!”
Doug W., Reno, NV
“Information is the lifeblood of democracy. Bradley Manning is a patriot and a hero.”
William C., Sherman Oaks, CA
“People who expose atrocities for the sake of humanity deserve to be publicly honored.”
Veda S., Camano Island, WA
“Giving Bradley the peace prize would send a strong message against the kind of secrecy that is associated with violence that Gandhi spoke so strongly about.”
Leo S., Chesterfield, NH
“He is definitely deserving! He did an extremely courageous thing. It’s wrong that he is detained and tortured. Awarding him this prize is the least we can do.”
Patricia M., Denver, CO
“As clear a choice as Jesus Christ. (And I’m not religious.)”
Kenneth K., Highland Park, IL
“This man is a hero for exposing the evil practices of our Government. We’re guaranteed a transparent Government, but what we get is shadowy deals, evil bargains, and more. We need to get back to basic principles of doing what’s right.”
Raymond P., Cathedral City, CA
“What an appropriate and great idea the Nobel Peace Prize for Bradley Manning!”
Lesley S., Santa Monica, CA
“Bradley Manning’s ‘crime’ was to bring the truth out into the open, to shine a light on evil policies our government wants to hide. He is a hero, and should be rewarded for his integrity.”
Patricia F., Ashburnham, MA
“The people of the United States and the world should be grateful to Bradley Manning for exposing the folly of U.S. wars of aggression in Iraq and Afghanistan. He has made a great sacrifice for peace.”
Laurence R., Highland Park, NJ
“I believe him to be one of the heroes of this country. Unfortunately The Media is owned by vested interests in this country, so the rank and file Americans only believe what they are told to believe, so because he and Julian Assange embarrassed the powers that be his heroics will never be widely known or appreciated.”
Thomas C., Albuquerque, NM
“Bringing covert actions and diplomatic operations out into the open helps make all governments and corporations better actors on the world stage.”
Greg C., Austin, TX
“You might also request President Obama to return his.”
Reginald S., San Francisco, CA
“One person deserving of the Nobel Peace Prize is Bradley Manning for bravery despite the risk to his personal safety. The criminals go unpunished, while the messenger is condemned.”
Helga G., St. Louis, MO
“This young man has put his entire future on the line to bring us information that he felt every American should be aware of. We have treated him terribly. If we cannot get the information that is concerning the behavior of our country, we are dooming our democracy to failure. Protect this young man for his courage and award him the Nobel.”
Laurie B., North Hollywood, CA
“You gave the prize to Barack Obama hoping for peace which was not delivered. Manning has ALREADY delivered. And is very much in need of international support.”
Peter B., Brooklyn, NY
“And free him too.”
Keith P., Boulder, CO
“Just as Daniel Ellsberg’s release of the Pentagon Papers exposed much of the ugly truth about the conflict in Vietnam, Manning has spoken truth to power and the masses. We can argue about justifications for military intervention more appropriately when some of the less savory realities are known.”
Edward & Pamela B., Baton Rouge, LA
“As a Sgt USMC Vietnam 1966/67, I urge you to not only award Bradley Manning the Nobel Peace Prize, but to rescind President Obama’s award.”
Robert B., Orange, TX
“We should have a law against criminalizing whistleblowers. The government will continue to make stupid mistakes and the citizens have a right to know the truth.”
Sylvia D., Tulsa, OK
“Thanks Bradley. The truth will make us free.”
Blase B., Los Angeles, CA
“Bradley’s in prison while those responsible for these heinous acts of cowardice are free. It’s so easy to condone war when isolated from reality.”
Daria R., San Jose, CA
“He acted out of social consciousness. His actions were not treasonous and he was not aiding the enemy. It has been criminal how he has been treated since his arrest.”
Gregg D., Chattanooga, TN
“If anyone ever really earned the peace price, it is Bradley Manning. Please give the world a favor by electing him for this award.”
Liza F., Chapel Hill, NC
“Bradley Manning is the bravest, strongest and most righteous man in our military today. His treatment by our ‘government’ has been nothing less than criminal. This needs to be brought to the attention of everyone on Earth.”
Susan W., Pilot Hill, CA
“Someone in my family died on 9/11. How do we address the underlying causes that might drive someone to commit an act of terrorism in the first place? Might the information allegedly leaked by Manning galvanize people to hold their political leaders more accountable? And so we might be able to enact meaningful changes in the realm of foreign policy? Our current policies will only end in more blowback. Thank you, Bradley Manning.”
Rick C., New Milford, NJ
“Indeed, this young man DOES walk in the shoes of Dr. King.”
A.J. A., Potsdam, NY
“Bradley Manning knew what he was risking in taking his stand against the U.S. government and it was an act of inspiring selflessness. Please recognize his willingness to stand up against what has become a monstrous self preserving beast of a government.”
Robert B., Charlotte, NC
“Bradley Manning is a hero willing to put his life on the line to speak out about war crimes that are not acceptable in a civilized world.”
Linda L., Trinidad, CA
“This man has sacrificed a great deal for all of us who believe in honest government and genuine democracy.”
Kaye F., Longmont, CO
“Let’s walk the walk!”
Richard R., Albuquerque, NM
“My beloved country, the USA, is spending too much money and lives on militarism. We have invaded other countries on the basis of lies. I believe this young man will be seen as a hero some day. That he is in prison says much about the USA and its military.”
Marcie B., Flagstaff, AZ
“It is the hawks who are threatened by Manning and want to nip this kind of behavior in the bud.”
Shelley D., Issaquah, WA
“Wow, what it would do for the world to honor someone who actually acted for peace with courage and self-less-ness. Having that reference would give enormous hope for people around the world and for humankind!”
Connie S., Santa Barbara, CA
“This is a wonderful idea! Bradley Manning certainly deserves it, and if he receives it, it would have to shame the U.S. government into releasing him.”
Rose B., Austin, TX
“Rarely have I felt so strongly about a Nobel nominee’s qualification for the honor. PFC Manning has given a significant part of his life, night and day, to bring truth to light and reduce human suffering. History will judge him a hero. History starts here, now.”
John K., Laurel, MD
“Bradley Manning is a hero of the people. He should be freed and given the Nobel Peace Prize AND a ticker-tape parade in NYC.”
Leonard M., San Marcos, CA
“Give peace and Bradley Manning a chance.”
Martha L., Dixon, CA
“I am Proud of Bradley Manning and how he took action to expose the treachery of my government to stop it. Bradley Manning deserves the Nobel Peace Prize along with Julian Assange!”
L. L., San Diego, CA
“Bravery and altruism are what stands between us and the power and greed of unscrupulous might which has no conscience.”
Caroline T., Ann Arbor, MI
“Bring the trial into the light of day. Don’t let Manning be ‘disappeared.’ This is America.”
Jeffrey G., San Carlos, CA
“Bradley is a political prisoner in our country that preaches freedom and democracy on the outside but does so many illegal things behind our backs without transparency!”
Steve & Sharon B., Oxnard, CA
“Bradley Manning has done more than anyone in the world to let all people know the deplorable state of U.S. militarism.”
Gail O., Portland, OR
“In 2001, the world began a steep descent into terrible, ethical unknown. We are now in free fall, thanks to the unbridled and abetted preemptive strikes on two countries Afghanistan and Iraq. The most pressing issues on the planet — inequality and climate collapse — have effectively been negated and conflict is escalating daily based on new and old rivalries throughout the world. Soon, much of the world’s species will inevitably be condemned [to] death-struggles over food, water, air and brute force. Bradley Manning will go down — if we live to write the history of the world in 2200 — as one of great souls of our age. He deserves recognition now by all those concerned with the crises we now face and must solve together as a planet and a human society.”
Ari M., Lennox, MA
“Peace is unattainable without sacrificial lambs, apparently.”
William T., Ellicott City, MD
“No peace possible without freedom of information!”
John K., Elizabeth, CO
“Let this kid go. As a Vietnam vet I say put Cheney, Rumsfeld and Bush in jail. They actually got people killed — for nothing. And I mean nothing.”
Ken L., Pinehurst, NC
“I thought we would learn from Vietnam, but we did not. Exporting war for profit has to end, and Manning’s courage must not be forgotten.”
Roger S., York, PA
“The public has a right to information. That is the basis of democracy. Bradley Manning has the courage to give us the truth. I cannot think of a more deserving individual.”
Trish S., Sparks, NV
“The selection of Bradley Manning would put ‘Peace’ back into the Nobel Peace Prize.”
Gail H., Mesa, AZ
“Although I’m an Obama supporter, I’m ashamed that he is still allowing the military to persecute Bradley Manning.”
Cathy L., Grayling, MI
“He deserves it. Obama did not, though I supported it at the time.”
Burton C., New Castle, NH
“He is a hero to the whole world!”
Phoebe S., Berkeley, CA
“Manning is a sterling example of the power of one individual sacrificing himself for the good of humanity.”
Encke K., New York, NY
“The media silence is deafening.”
Daniel S., Manchester, NH
“He did break the law but he’s serving time for that. Sometimes to serve the greater good laws need to be broken.”
Rachel D., Seattle, WA
“He has done so much to expose the criminal behavior of some leaders of the American empire.”
Frederick C., Montclair, NJ
“Whistleblowers are the true heroes! And he really needs this.”
Carol Anne F., Berkeley, CA
“Give the Nobel Peace Prize to a true hero of the human race, a man who transcends borders and has placed his own self a distant second to the needs of others. Brad Manning is a great human being. Give him the Nobel, please!”
Eric W., Austin, TX
“According to U.S. military brass, it is ok to commit war crimes but it is not ok to expose them. Giving Bradley Manning the Nobel Peace Prize will give hope to millions of peace loving people around the world. Please consider it.”
Ali M., Princeton, NJ
“I suppose this enters me into a database somewhere, but this man deserves our thanks for revealing the lurid backstory of diplomacy and the hypocrisy of our ‘leaders’ (and I use that term loosely). This country needs the truth.”
Arthur G., Chamblee, GA
“Those who blow the whistle on the evil actions of government need to be applauded and rewarded, not imprisoned.”
Kenneth E., Ormond Beach, FL
“This is a moral imperative. Bradley Manning has already spent too much time incarcerated for supporting our right to know how our leaders betrayed us with war for profit. Do the right thing!”
Josephine P., Brooklyn, NY
“Bradley Manning has endured terrible conditions in a U.S. military prison because he thinks that citizens of a democracy should know what their government and military are doing in their names; that transparency rather than secrecy nurtures democracy and peace.”
Edith M., Milwaukee, WI
“Bradley Manning has been jailed and tortured. He has been denied his constitutional rights. He has sacrificed himself to prove war crimes and to help bring peace to Iraq. He is the Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King of this century. He should be awarded The Noble Peace Prize.”
Deb B., Pittsburgh, PA
“With all due respect, try giving the Peace Prize to a REAL champion of peace, for a change.”
Norman Solomon is co-founder of RootsAction.org and founding director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. His books include “War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death.” He writes the Political Culture 2013 column.
After I read “The Four Agreements”, by don Miguel Ruiz, my life has been forever changed. It was an eye opener and a game changer. I realized that everything in life is a sum total of all the agreements every human being has ever made. So now is the time to make new ethical agreements and learn to live that way. Below it says Living The Four Agreements can be one of the most difficult and the same time the easiest habit to keep. I agree. Once I committed to doing it it became easier and easier. This is why I dislike the word “t-r-y” so much it is impossible to be impeccable with your word using it. T-r-y implies failure and when I say I am going to do something there is no t-r-y. Like Yoda said in Star Wars “there is no t-r-y either do or don not”.
As you practice living these four practices your life will dramatically change. In the beginning these new habits will be challenging and you will lapse countless times. With practice these agreements become integrated into your being and every area of your life and become easy habits to keep.
The Four Agreements are:
1. Be Impeccable with your Word: Speak with integrity. Say only what you mean. Avoid using the Word to speak against yourself or to gossip about others. Use the power of your Word in the direction of truth and love.
2. Don’t Take Anything Personally
Nothing others do is because of you. What others say and do is a projection of their own reality, their own dream. When you are immune to the opinions and actions of others, you won’t be the victim of needless suffering.
3. Don’t Make Assumptions
Find the courage to ask questions and to express what you really want. Communicate with others as clearly as you can to avoid misunderstandings, sadness and drama. With just this one agreement, you can completely transform your life.
4. Always Do Your Best
Your best is going to change from moment to moment; it will be different when you are healthy as opposed to sick. Under any circumstance, simply do your best, and you will avoid self-judgment, self-abuse, and regret.
Understanding how to Integrate and Live the practices
Upon reading don Miguel’s wisdom many people have their eyes opened to a new possibility for living life. They get excited when they see the potential for happiness, love, and respect with themselves and their relationships. What they fail to see is the challenges and resistance the mind will have to living just one of the agreements. Don Miguel briefly mentions these challenges in his book, but people fixate on the four chapters with the agreements and seem to miss these other important points. This is often the set up for expectations that lead to disappointment and frustration.
During our early life we began making agreements. Our parents rewarded us when we did what they wanted and they punished us when we didn’t. We also learned behaviors and habits in school, church, and from other adults and children on the playground. The tools of reward and punishment were often emotional and sometimes physical. The impact of other people’s opinions and reactions to us became a very strong force in the habits we created. In this process we created agreements in our mind of who we should be, what we shouldn’t be, who we were, and who we were not. Over time we learned to live our life based on the agreements in our own mind. We learned to live according to the agreements that came from the opinion of others. In this process of domestication it turns out that the choices we make and the life we live is more driven by the opinions we learned from others than one we would choose on our own.
Why Living the Four Agreements Is Such a Challenge
We have out of years of habit not paid attention to how we express our self. The responses that come out of our mouth are often automatic. They were learned from years of habit living by the agreements we learned. We do not consciously choose our words, or the emotion, tone, and attitude that we express.
Over years our mind has filled with beliefs that generate incessant thinking. In all that thinking we have many assumptions that we are not aware of. We even make the assumption that what we think is true. We imagine and assume what others think of us and how they will react. We also assume that the judgments and self criticisms we have are true. We have learned to make so many assumptions that we aren’t aware of. These assumptions are not the truth. These assumptions and the faith we express in them is just one way that we are not impeccable with our word.
Through our domestication we have also learned to take things personally. We assume that when someone has an opinion about us that their opinion is valid. Their opinion becomes our belief about our self. We end up having an emotional reaction to our own belief because we assumed their opinion it is true. We can also take personally our own opinions. We take personally our own self judgments. These self judgments are nothing more than an assumption. Over years the mind has developed many habits of making assumptions and taking them personally.
Just because you adopt the Four Agreements doesn’t mean that all these habits in the mind will stop with that commitment.
When you decide to change your life and adopt the Four Agreements you are challenging the beliefs you learned and the habits you practiced since your childhood domestication.
Adopting the Four Agreements creates a conflict in the mind between expressing your self Impeccably with love and your existing fear based beliefs.
Avoiding Double Jeopardy
One of the hidden assumptions that people often make when adopting the Four Agreements is about time. Without awareness the mind makes the assumption that they should immediately be able to keep the Four Agreements 100% of the time. The mind completely ignores that there are already existing agreements and habits of taking things personally that have been in place for years.
With the expectation of the new agreement that we will not break any of the Four Agreements we are set up for failure. We have an emotional reaction and take something personally which feels bad. (but is completely normal part of our old habits) But then the inner judge reprimands us for failing to not take something personally. Now we feel twice as bad. The inner judge tells us that we failed and the voice of the victim in the mind accepts this proposal.
The result is that we are not only upset, but we also feel like a failure. If you just look at your emotional state at this point it will seem like things are getting worse instead of better. It can seem like attempting to keep the Four Agreements is causing more problems and making you feel worse.
If you are aware that you are judging your self for taking something personally, you can feel even worse. Your inner judge might use that awareness to judge and reject your self for judging your self for taking something personally. In the beginning the myriad of voices in your head are likely to use your new found awareness as material for self judgment. This is when the fourth agreement, Always Do Your Best, is most important. It gives you immunity from self judgment. Your best isn’t perfect practice of these agreements on day one. Your best will include a lot of stumbling in the beginning and improve over time as you practice. Just like walking, learning a language, or playing a sport, you can’t play at top level on your first day learning.
In actuality the problem is not that you adopted the Four Agreements. Nor is the problem that you are a failure. What is really happening is that you are having an awakening. You are waking up to how your mind makes assumptions, has emotional reactions, and is so quick to make self judgments. These realizations about the belief system in your mind are not usually pleasant but are part of an awakening. It is usually uncomfortable realization, but through it your awareness is growing.
With some more awareness and practice you can move beyond this uncomfortable awakening about the mind. You will come to see that it is not You that is judging your self for failing. It is the inner judge. With practice you will see the ridiculous expectations and assumptions for what they are and not feel like a failure when you lapse in your journey to impeccability. This comes as you gain more awareness and gain more personal power over your agreements.
The Challenge of a Spiritual Warrior
Don Miguel refers to some of these challenges throughout the book. However, in the excitement of the Truth in what don Miguel writes, people often overlook where he points out that this endeavor is not easy. The agreements may be simple, but he never says they are easy to keep.
At the same time living the Four Agreements has taken me on the most rewarding and profound journey of happiness and fulfillment beyond anything I could have imagined. The hard work in the beginning is rewarded to me in every interaction every day of my life. This is a very big return for a small investment of time and effort.
Don Miguel refers to people who decide to adopt the Four Agreements and create love and happiness in their life as Spiritual Warriors. It is Spiritual because it is about living your Life. It is also referred to as a war because you are challenging the old fear based beliefs in your mind. It will take more than a week and a half to break free of fear, the tyranny of the inner judge, and old emotional habits. There will be some battles lost along the way, but that is of minor concern in the longer term strategy of creating happiness in your life.
The Quest for Personal Freedom
The quest of a Spiritual Warrior is for Personal Freedom. Personal Freedom means freedom from fear, illusions, and the fear based beliefs in the mind. In essence it means to win the war over the beliefs in the mind. It is with Personal Freedom that we are free of the human condition of emotional suffering. Spiritual traditions around the world have their own names for this state of awareness including nirvana and heaven. It is a state that is simply described as living your life with unconditional love, gratitude, and respect, for your self, and for others.
I’ve spent many years personally studying with don Miguel Ruiz. After my life and relationships were completely transformed I asked him if there was anything that I could do for him in return. He said, “If you want to, share with others what you have learned and how you live your life so they can be happy as well.”
There are many practical actions you can take to speed up changing your life and live more impeccably. In my years of study with don Miguel what he has written in his books is a small fraction of his teachings.
While don Miguel is no longer teaching, you can still learn the practices, process, wisdom and insights from those he trained. You are invited to take advantage of the material in my web sites, my personal coaching services, and the workshops and Power Journeys I lead.
The best place to start is the Self Mastery Audio Series. It is a self paced program of mp3 audio files that you download and listen to. Each session has very specific practical exercises to help you implement aspects of mastering the Four Agreements. The first four sessions are free so that you can sample the material and see if it will work for you. The next 10 sessions are only $99.
As an alternative you can listen to many of the free mp3 audios that I have placed on line that deal with issues like, How not to take thing personally, Changing Core Beliefs, Free Will, Feeling Not Good Enough, Hidden Assumptions, Do We Have Free Will, and others.
I wish you much Love, Joy, and Laughter in your Journey,